Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts
Showing posts with label human rights. Show all posts

Saturday, August 25, 2007

Open Letter From UPEACE Students to the UPEACE Council

Below is the text of an open letter sent by students of the 2007 class at UPEACE to the UPEACE Council. This open letter seeks clarity on the suitability of Mr. John Maresca as UPEACE Rector, given his past history of involvements in international human rights violations, and in international natural resource based politics that may have been a precursor to regional violent conflicts. The letter also raises questions about the closed and non-participative nature of the process used by the UPEACE Council to select a new UPEACE Rector.

Below are also the responses of Mr. William F. Martin, President of the UPEACE Council, and Mr. John Maresca, Rector-Elect of UPEACE, to the Open Letter of Concern from the students.

Open letter of concern to the Council of the University for Peace

July 13, 2007

Members of the Council

The University for Peace

Dear Members,

The undersigned, students of the 2007 class of the University for Peace, are hereby expressing our concerns about the selection of Mr. John J. Maresca as the new Rector of UPEACE.

We would like to clarify that this letter does not reflect a “radical” anti-corporate or anti-United States stance on our part, neither is it meant to discredit Mr. Maresca’s accomplishments in his diplomatic career, nor his views that ethical business practices can contribute to humanitarian causes. Also, our concerns are not expressed with the intent of supporting any particular alternate candidate for the position.

Our concerns are rather directed at Mr. Maresca’s alleged and largely publicized close involvement, throughout his career, with geopolitical and industrial interests that have in the past carried out, and continue presently to undertake, actions that are not in line with the promotion of peace and human rights throughout the world, and particularly in countries in the Global South. His alleged involvement with these interests, as it will be further detailed, may seriously harm UPEACE’s credibility and legitimacy as an "international institution of higher education for peace”, whose mission further calls upon it to “help lessen obstacles and threats to world peace and progress, in keeping with the noble aspirations proclaimed in the Charter of the United Nations".

We are also concerned about Mr. Maresca’s seeming lack of academic credentials and background in managing an academic institution that would befit the leadership of a higher education institution such as UPEACE in its unique mandate of peace education as “the best tool for achieving this supreme good for humankind”.

Furthermore, we are uneasy about issues of transparency in the selection process, which excluded the participation of adequate faculty and student representation and, according to statements published in Costa Rican media, the justification for the selection was not properly communicated to some members of the UPEACE Council.

Now, we would like to bring to the Council’s attention the specific elements of Mr. Maresca’s background which seem to conflict with UPEACE’s mission:

i. Unocal and geopolitical interests in the Caspian and Middle East.

Mr. Maresca was Vice President of International Relations of Unocal between 1997 and 1999. In February of 1998, he testified before the U.S. Congress about Unocal’s interest in building a Central Asian oil and gas pipeline across Afghanistan to the Indian Ocean. Numerous news reports have denounced the interests of corporations like Enron and Unocal as the alleged principal drivers of U.S. military policy in Afghanistan since the early 1990s.[1]

ii. Unocal and human rights violations in Myanmar (Burma).

Mr. Maresca states in his CV that he created a Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) program at Unocal, became an industry leader in the field, and that he made the company aware of the importance of maintaining a positive record of responsibility. However, Unocal was sued for its alleged complicity with the Myanmar military for human rights violations, including slave labor, rape, murder and displacement of Burmese villagers, when said military provided security for the construction of the Yadana pipeline in the 1990s. Unocal settled the lawsuit with Burmese villagers in 2004.[2]

Nonetheless, according to the media articles, Unocal’s spokespersons continuously denied that any human rights violations occurred during the construction of the pipeline. The U.S. State Department and Unocal’s own consultants though, it was reported, had acknowledged that the Myanmar military used forced labor. In 2002 Unocal rejected its shareholders’ requests to withdraw from the country, claiming that the project was “a good investment for the company and a good investment for the people of Myanmar.”[3] In spite of Mr. Maresca’s legacy of a leading CSR program, these actions do not seem to reflect the conduct of a corporation that is committed to corporate accountability.

iii. Membership in the BHF and apparent “bluewashing” by businesses that actively oppose corporate accountability.

As an academic institution with a mandate to promote fundamental social values including positive peace, respect for human rights, environmental justice and gender mainstreaming, UPEACE’s credibility and legitimacy in these fields is essential.

For this reason, it is worrisome that when in 1999 Mr. Maresca first established the Business Humanitarian Forum (BHF), many international human rights and social justice organizations protested against the participation of UN institutions like the UNHCR and UNICEF in the Forum, because they believed their involvement would allow corporations violating or overtly opposing human rights standards to earn a positive image while maintaining their harmful practices (a practice they dubbed ‘bluewashing’). Although those protests were dismissed as “radical” or “isolationist”, today there are indications that the concerns of human rights organizations may have been real. A quick internet search can reveal much about the human rights track record of many BHF member companies[4].

Another profound cause for concern are news reports that several members of the BHF advisory board have actively campaigned against international standards and mechanisms that can hold business accountable for human rights issues, allegedly claiming that the existence of institutions like the BHF and the Global Compact make those standards unnecessary. A briefing published in 2004 by the UN Observer indicates that the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) and the US Council for International Business (USCIB) were among the most vocal opponents against the Norms for Business and Human Rights unanimously proposed by a Sub-commission of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights.[5] Mr. Robin Aram, then Vice President of Shell, is singled out in the briefing as the person leading these efforts. Today, three positions in the BHF Board are held by Mr. Aram and by former heads of the ICC, and the USCIB. The stance of ICC, USCIB and Mr. Aram was strongly criticized by advocates of business accountability, including Sir Geoffrey Chandler, Founding Chair of Amnesty International’s UK Business Group, who called it "an extraordinary attack on international human rights standards".[6]

Mr. Thomas Niles, who former president of the USCIB and BHF Boardmember, is also named in a Toronto Star article as a leading opponent of the Alien Torts Claim Act (ATCA), the only U.S. legislation that can hold U.S. companies accountable for their complicity in human rights violations in other countries.[7] Coincidentally, it was under ATCA litigation that Unocal settled to compensate Burmese victims of human rights violations allegedly in relation to the construction of the Yadana pipeline. At the moment, suit is also being brought against Shell, under this legislation for human rights violations in Nigeria.

In view of all the circumstances described above, we feel that UPEACE’s international credibility as the only UN-affiliated institution authorized to issue graduate degrees in Peace and Human Rights may be seriously compromised if Mr. Maresca were to become the head of this institution.

We respect the importance of diversity in education, and recognize that voluntary business approaches are one mechanism worth exploring in the promotion of human rights. However, UPEACE is responsible for maintaining its academic independence and this is unlikely if its foremost academic authority has such strong links to corporate and political interests that seemingly oppose international human rights standards.

For this reason, we ask that the Council to reconsider this matter, in the light of these concerns, and revoke the appointment of Mr. Maresca, in order to undertake the search for a more suitable candidate, who could lead UPEACE to the fulfillment of its mission with the highest levels of academic excellence and international credibility, as well as meet its financial needs.

We also ask that additional measures be undertaken to strengthen the transparency of the selection process, including adequate student and faculty representation, and the establishment of clear standards for the position. These standards should include suitable academic credentials and a strong alignment with the principles of the UN Charter, such as a proven commitment to justice and human rights standards.

We feel fortunate for having had the chance to study at UPEACE, and recognize that with this opportunity comes a profound duty to promote the values and mission of the University. Now, we are speaking up out of care for UPEACE’s mission and concern for the University’s continued legitimacy. We hope that the Council will reconsider its decision in view of these serious concerns and revoke Mr. Maresca’s appointment, in order to select a candidate who can best serve the University’s needs and its mandate.

In peace,

Signatories (to the full contents of the letter)

Sergio Guillen, Francesca Dall’Acqua, Tanya Roberts-Davies, Jennifer Scharf , Shreya Jani, Karen Huggins, Anat Nir, Cecilia Sbernini, Brigit Glustein, Kimberly Rafuse, Loizos Loukadis, Joakim Daun, Candice O’Grady, Yusuf Alam, Jennifer Ribachonek, Julian Perez, Lauren Herzer, Taina Christiansen, Laila Said, Nora Mahmoud, Katherine Braggs, Joshua Cerretti, Marcel Fomotar, Bassey Archibong, Viviana Mourra, Sean Khalepari, Maryam d’Hellencourt

Signatories (with comments/reservations)

Signature: Mary E. Lind

Comments/Reservations: I endorse the Open Letter of Concern to the UPEACE Council and only take exception to one element: the appeal for the revoking of the appointment of Mr. Maresca. While I share all of the concerns detailed in the letter, I want to hear the perspectives of council members who made the appointment and reflect further on the complex set of interests and issues before standing behind such a request. In every other way I support and endorse the letter of concern.

Signature: Katharina Felgenhauer

Comments/Reservations: Acknowledging that UPEACE might possibly benefit from Mr. Maresca's longstanding experience, I refrain from asking the council to rescind his appointment immediately. Instead, I would like to urge the council to thoroughly clarify how the concerns addressed in this letter will be mitigated, given the representative and highly symbolic role Mr. Maresca would assume as rector of our university. I strongly request the council to decisively increase the level of transparency of their reasoning and decision-making processes.

Signature: Catalina Vaughan

Comments/Reservations: I fully endorse the letter, and before asking the Council to revoke a decision, I do want to hear the process and the real reasons or electing this candidate. If this is not expressed with weight, I also ask the revoking to occur.

Signature: Menadro Abanes

Comments/Reservations: I endorse the letter, however I am a bit uneasy about the defensive stance of the letter as “ ‘radical’ anti-corporate or anit-United States” I feel that I can take a stand without adopting any "ideological" position on this matter by being an advocate of transparency and accountability of the processes taken and actions done. Second, I am more agreeable to the idea that the Council (selection) will reconsider its appointment. Or it can point out their reasons and rationale of having Mr. Maresca as the best person among the candidates to lead UPEACE.

CC: UPEACE Council Chair-Elect Julio Ma. Sanguinetti

UPEACE Rector-Elect John J. Maresca

UPEACE President Emeritus Rodrigo A. Carazo


[7] http://www.laborrights.org/press/Unocal_Toronto_091403.htm


_____________________________________________________________

Response of Mr. John Maresca, Rector-Elect, to the above Open Letter of Concern


GEN-RE-CS-07-06

Geneva, 23 July 2007


Dear Signatories of the ‘Open Letter’ dated July 13, 2007,


I received your ‘open letter’ with some surprise. Most of the issues it cites have not been raised with me previously, in spite of the long discussion I had with the faculty, and my availability for meetings at the campus in June. It might have been useful to ask me about these matters before writing your letter.

I would nonetheless be happy to discuss the issues you have raised with you or your representative when I am back at the campus in August. If you wish to have such a discussion, please contact my Assistant to arrange an appointment.

Sincerely,

John Maresca

Rector-Elect

___________________________________________________________________

Response of Mr. William F. Martin, President of the UPEACE Council, to the above Open Letter of Concern

Chairman

31 July 2007

OSC/C/YS/07/057

Dear Signatories of the Open Letter of Concern, of 13 July,

I have read your 13 July 2007 letter carefully, and while I take the points you have raised seriously, I believe that your concerns about Mr. Maresca’s election are unfounded. I know that you were all very busy with the final stages of the academic year, including the commencement ceremony, but I wish your concerns would have been mentioned at the time of the Council’s meeting at the campus, when student and faculty representatives where invited to speak to the Council, and when the Council’s members were mingling often and informally with members of the faculty and the student body.

I understand that the new Rector of the University has offered to meet with you or your representatives to discuss the issues you have raised with respect to his background. I think that is a useful and very forthcoming position, and I hope you will meet with him. I think you will find that he is open, friendly and understanding of your concerns.

On the process used for the election of the new Rector, I agree that there is room for improving it. As a matter of fact, the Council adopted at its recent Sixteenth Session a resolution stating that the University will develop a procedure for electing the Rector to be submitted for approval at the next session. However, it is important to stress that Mr. Maresca’s election was in keeping with all existing procedures established by the Rules and Procedures of the Council of the University. Furthermore, the Executive Committee, which had been mandated by the Council to conduct the process, adopted a very rigorous selection process. Nominations and expressions of interest were sought from around the world on the basis of a vacancy announcement that identified four key selection criteria: academic credentials, ability to raise funds, management abilities, and commitment to the goals of the United Nations and the University for Peace; there was a full discussion in the selection committee of each nominee; a short list of the best qualified candidates was agreed by consensus; the short-listed candidates were invited to meet with the selection committee for interviews; there was a full and open discussion in the selection committee of the qualifications of each of the candidates; and this discussion resulted in a unanimous opinion of the selection committee in favor of the candidate who, in the opinion of the Committee, in addition to his worldwide experience, knowledge and professionalism, exceeded all four key criteria referred to above. I believe we have found a dynamic and capable leader for the University who is able to address UPEACE's current priorities and challenges. I hope that, after reflection, you will agree.

Yours sincerely,

William F. Martin,
President of the Council

Students Signatories of the Open Letter of Concern, of 13 July

University for Peace San José, Costa Rica

cc: President Rodrigo Carazo, Rector-elect John J. Maresca


Open Letter from NGOs to UPEACE Council, on the UPEACE Rector's Involvements in International Human Rights Violations

Below is the text of an open letter sent by representatives of international human rights non-governmental organizations to the Chair of the UPEACE Council, UPEACE Chancellor and the then Acting Rector of UPEACE; dated August 06, 2007. This letter provides information on the past and present involvements/links of the newly appointed UPEACE Rector, Mr. John Maresca, with private establishments/organizations with a known history of international human rights violations.

Open Letter from NGOs to UPEACE Council Chair, Chancellor and Ex-Acting Rector.

Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti
Chair of the Council

Hon. Ruth Dreifuss
Chancellor

Mr. Georges Tsaï
Acting Rector

University for Peace
Apdo. 138-6100
Ciudad Colon
Costa Rica

VIA FACSIMILE AND ELECTRONIC MAIL

August 6, 2007

Dear President Sanguinetti, Chancellor Dreifuss, Mr. Tsaï and members of the Council,

EarthRights International, the International Labor Rights Forum, and the Environmental Health Fund are writing to express our concern over the appointment of John Maresca, former Vice-President of International Relations of Unocal Corp., as Rector of the University of Peace. Given Mr. Maresca’s experience with oil and gas projects that are highly antithetical to the goals of the University of Peace and its charter, we believe that his appointment as rector would be a serious blow to the University’s integrity and credibility.

During Mr. Maresca’s tenure at Unocal, that company was a partner in the Yadana gas pipeline in southern Burma (Myanmar). As you may know, Burma has been repeatedly condemned by various United Nations bodies, especially the former Human Rights commission and the International Labour Organization, for its widespread human rights abuses, including the epidemic use of forced labor. In 1998, for example, the ILO’s commission of Inquiry on Forced Labour in Myanmar (Burma) found evidence that forced labor was used “for ground clearance work to provide access to survey teams for the Yadana gas pipeline project.” Due to their complicity in forced labor, both Unocal and its partner TOTAL were sued by victims in courts in the United States and France, respectively. After many years of litigation, Unocal settled the lawsuits against it, agreeing to provide compensation to the victims of the Yadana project.

While Unocal was benefiting from forced labor and other abuses in Burma, Mr. Maresca was its chief international lobbyist, appearing before the U.S. Congress and other projects to promote Unocal’s latest ventures. One of his primary tasks was to gain support for efforts to build a massive oil pipeline through Afghanistan, which was at the time ruled by the Taliban regime. Unocal continuing holding talks with the Taliban about the proposed pipeline through at least 2000.

Unocal’s actions in Burma and its attempts in Afghanistan are not consistent with the goals of the University of Peace, whose charter dedicates it to the promotion of “understanding, tolerance and peaceful coexistence.” The former Taliban regime in Afghanistan and the present military government in Burma are two of the most extreme examples of intolerance and violence in recent memory.

Nor do Mr. Maresca’s activities following his stint with Unocal show an appreciation for the values that are central to the University of Peace. Mr. Maresca went on to preside over the Business Humanitarian Forum (BHF), an industry group formerly headed by Unocal President John Imle. While the BHF pays lip service to the notion of corporate responsibility, it is funded not only by Unocal but also by Shell (currently being sued for collaborating with the Nigerian military to execute environmentalists), Rio Tinto (facing a lawsuit for assisting in war crimes in Papua New Guinea), Nestle (accused in court of profiting from child slavery in cocoa plantations in Mali), and Pfizer (currently being sued for knowingly testing a toxic drug on children in Nigeria). The BHF has resisted any real form of accountability for human rights violations, and has given these corporations a means to whitewash their reputations.

We do not believe that Mr. Maresca’s association with Unocal, including its ties to the Taliban regime and the Burmese military, or his position with the Business Humanitarian Forum will reflect well upon the University. We urge you to weigh the damage that Mr. Maresca’s appointment could do to the University’s reputation and its commitment to its goals, and to reconsider any proposal for him to join the University.

Sincerely,

Marco Simons
Legal Director
EarthRights International
marco@earthrights.org

Bama Athreya
Executive Director
International Labor Rights Forum
bama.athreya@ilrf.org

Kenny Bruno
Senior Advisor
Environmental Health Fund
kenny@earthlink.net

Cc (via email):

Peter Krupa, Tico Times
Auriana Koutnik, Tico Times
Julio Rodriguez, La Nacion

Open Letter to UPEACE before the appointment of Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti

Below is the text of an open letter by 'El Servicio Paz y Justicia en América Latina' (www.serpajamericalatina.org), a Latin American civil society organization for peace and justice, to the University for Peace members, explaining the involvements of the newly appointed Chair of the UPEACE Council, Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti, in human rights crimes during his tenure as President of Uruguay. Among the signatories of the letter is Mr. Adolfo Pérez Esquivel, a Nobel Peace Price recipient (see: http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1980/esquivel-bio.html) and Honorary President of SERPAJ-AL. The text of the letter is in Spanish. It can also be downloaded from:
http://www.serpajamericalatina.org/noticias/cartaaupazporsanguinettifinal.doc


CARTA ABIERTA A LA UNIVERSIDAD DE LA PAZ


El Servicio Paz y Justicia en América Latina (SERPAJ-AL), a través de su Secretariado Nacional, SERPAJ-Uruguay, quiere expresar su profunda preocupación por el nombramiento del Sr. Julio María Sanguinetti como miembro y Presidente del Consejo de la Universidad para la Paz.

Desde nuestra larga trayectoria como organizaciones de la sociedad civil defensoras de los derechos humanos en Uruguay, el Cono Sur y América Latina, consideramos que los antecedentes del Sr. Sanguinetti en esta materia son incompatibles con una universidad cuyos programas académicos están comprometidos con el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos y la paz.

El Sr. Sanguinetti no sólo fue una figura política decisiva en las negociaciones que llevaron a la salida de la dictadura cívico-militar en 1984; él fue, sobre todo, el artífice de la política de impunidad para los delitos de lesa humanidad cometidos durante la dictadura, y el garante de su implementación durante los primeros 20 años de democracia, a través de sus dos períodos como presidente de Uruguay. Es por eso que en la comunidad de DDHH uruguaya se ganó el apodo de “campeón de la impunidad”.

He aquí una brevísima reseña histórica de la conducta del Dr. Sanguinetti en esta materia:

Durante las negociaciones entre políticos y militares desarrolladas a lo largo de 1984, Sanguinetti se encargó de asegurarles a los dictadores salientes que él como futuro presidente garantizaría que ninguno de ellos tendría que responder por sus crímenes ante ninguna instancia pública. Eso, a pesar de que en la sociedad uruguaya –como en toda la región- había un reclamo muy fuerte de Verdad y Justicia; y que en la Concertación Nacional Programática (acuerdo social amplio para el programa de la transición) se aprobó explícitamente el compromiso de investigar y sancionar dichos delitos.

Una vez asumida la Presidencia, Sanguinetti ignoró todos los acuerdos alcanzados en la mencionada Concertación, y durante sus dos primeros años de gobierno buscó por todos los medios asegurarse las mayorías necesarias para aprobar en el Parlamento una ley de impunidad, mientras desde el poder Ejecutivo se protegía a los militares acusados, se obstaculizaba la actuación del poder Judicial, y se alentaba en la ciudadanía un clima de amenaza y temor sobre la posibilidad de un golpe militar en caso de que los militares fueran enjuiciados.

Finalmente, en diciembre de 1986, y un día antes de que los militares acusados tuvieran que declarar ante un juzgado civil, el Parlamento sesionó con carácter urgente para aprobar la ley “de caducidad de la pretensión punitiva del Estado”, que consagraba la impunidad de todos los delitos de lesa humanidad cometidos durante la dictadura. De esta manera el Presidente cumplía el compromiso con los militares que ya había anunciado su ministro de Defensa (el mismo general de la dictadura que había negociado la transición, y que había anunciado que ningún militar concurriría a declarar en un juzgado).

En los dos años siguientes, la sociedad civil organizada a través del movimiento sindical, estudiantil y cooperativo, las organizaciones de derechos humanos y la oposición política, impulsaron una vigorosa campaña para anular la ley de impunidad mediante un referéndum popular. Este amplio y plural movimiento –presidido por tres mujeres familiares de víctimas de la dictadura- juntó 634.702 firmas (en una población de sólo 3 millones) en menos de dos años para hacer posible el referéndum, creó 350 comités locales en todo el país, y visitó puerta a puerta más de 400.000 hogares. En ese tiempo, el gobierno de Sanguinetti continuó operando por todos los medios para hacer fracasar la iniciativa popular (incluyendo la manipulación escandalosa de la propia Corte Electoral, la mentira y la censura de prensa para desinformar, amedrentar y confundir a la opinión pública).

Paralelamente, la ley de impunidad uruguaya recibió la condena de los principales organismos internacionales de derechos humanos, tanto en el sistema interamericano de la OEA como en el de Naciones Unidas, por su flagrante incompatibilidad con los principios y tratados del derecho internacional de los derechos humanos. El gobierno de Sanguinetti ignoró y descalificó sistemáticamente estos pronunciamientos críticos de la comunidad internacional.

La campaña de desinformación y terror impulsada por Sanguinetti tuvo su fruto en una ciudadanía todavía atemorizada que recién salía de una feroz dictadura, y la ley de impunidad fue ratificada por referéndum en 1989. No obstante, la propia ley de impunidad establecía en su artículo 4 el deber del poder Ejecutivo de investigar el paradero de los detenidos-desaparecidos. En una verdadera burla a esa obligación, Sanguinetti encargó la investigación al fiscal militar José Sambucetti (juez y parte en los delitos a investigar), que por supuesto no arribó a ningún resultado.

Así, durante sus dos períodos de gobierno, Sanguinetti se dedicó a descalificar los reclamos de Verdad impulsados desde los organismos de derechos humanos nacionales e internacionales; negó la existencia de personas desaparecidas en Uruguay; obstruyó sistemáticamente todos los esfuerzos encaminados ya no a hacer justicia sino a investigar la verdad y el paradero de los detenidos-desaparecidos; jamás respondió ningún planteo de las organizaciones de familiares de las víctimas, ni accedió a sus solicitudes de entrevista.

Así, en 20 años jamás un solo militar tuvo que declarar ante un juzgado en Uruguay, ni siquiera como indagado o testigo, y no se promovió ningún tipo de investigación oficial sobre el período de la dictadura. El principal responsable de esa efectiva política de olvido oficial que buscó impedir la elaboración de la memoria histórica (con gravísimas consecuencias para el conjunto de la sociedad, hasta hoy) fue Julio M. Sanguinetti.

Esta política de impunidad y negación de las violaciones a los derechos humanos tuvo su punto culminante en ‘el caso Gelman’, que trascendió internacionalmente. El mundialmente reconocido poeta argentino Juan Gelman dedicó casi un cuarto de siglo a buscar al bebé nacido en cautiverio de su nuera desaparecida. La joven de 19 años había sido detenida embarazada junto a su esposo en Argentina, en 1976; luego de que éste fuera brutalmente asesinado, la joven fue trasladada clandestinamente a Uruguay junto a un grupo de activistas de nuestro país, gracias a los operativos de coordinación represiva entre las dictaduras del Cono Sur, hoy conocidos como Plan Cóndor. Una vez que la joven dio a luz en Uruguay, fue asesinada y hasta hoy permanece como desaparecida. De su bebé no se supo nada durante 24 años. Juan Gelman obtuvo informaciones extraoficiales de que su nuera había dado a luz en Montevideo, y por eso entre 1998 y 1999 intentó entrevistarse con Sanguinetti para pedirle su colaboración en la búsqueda del bebé. Sanguinetti jamás accedió a esa solicitud, negó conocer cualquier información sobre el hecho, y hasta descalificó a Gelman en una respuesta pública donde afirmaba que los hechos mencionados por el poeta eran falsos y que en Uruguay no se habían producido desapariciones forzadas. Eso provocó que durante todo el año 1999 se desarrollara una campaña internacional en la cual varios premios Nobel y personalidades del mundo de la cultura (entre muchos otros, García Márquez, José Saramago, Gunther Grass, Pérez Esquivel, Susan Sontag, Eduardo Galeano, etc.) escribieron centenares de cartas exigiéndole a Sanguinetti que accediera a la solicitud de Gelman e investigara el paradero de su nieta.

Sanguinetti jamás hizo nada, hasta que al año siguiente, y a pocas semanas de haber dejado la presidencia, la nieta de Gelman fue localizada después de 24 años, y se inició el proceso de restitución de su verdadera identidad. Pero lo más sorprendente fue descubrir que el apropiador de la joven era un amigo personal y hombre de confianza de Sanguinetti, a quien el presidente había puesto como candidato a senador y nombrado jefe de policía del departamento de San José. Quedó así en evidencia que, mientras le negaba a Gelman los hechos que éste denunciaba, y afirmaba no saber nada sobre el paradero de su nieta, Sanguinetti estaba deliberadamente encubriendo a su amigo el apropiador de la joven, y una vez más operando activamente para garantizar el ocultamiento y la impunidad de los responsables de desapariciones, ejecuciones y torturas, a los que defendió y protegió a cualquier precio durante 20 años.

Las organizaciones que, como SERPAJ, durante décadas hemos trabajado por hacer cumplir y respetar el derecho internacional de los derechos humanos en nuestros países, porque estamos convencidas que es condición insoslayable para una verdadera democracia, consideramos que el Sr. Julio Sanguinetti no reúne los requisitos éticos para presidir el Consejo de una universidad cuya finalidad es formar a las generaciones jóvenes para que impregnen las políticas públicas, los Estados nacionales y las relaciones internacionales con los valores de la paz y los derechos humanos. Esperamos entonces que la UPAZ revisará esta designación y buscará una persona acorde con estos principios para presidir el Consejo.

Montevideo, 24 de agosto de 2007.

Adolfo Pérez Esquivel
Presidente Honorario
SERPAJ América Latina

Guillermo Payssé
Coordinador Nacional – SERPAJ Uruguay

Ana Claudia Juanche Molina
Coordinadora Latinoamericana

SERPAJ - AL
(598 + 2) 408 53 01
(598) 98 902 905
www.serpajamericalatina.org

Uruguayan news coverage of the above open letter sent by SERPAJ-AL to UPEACE can be seen at:

http://www.larepublica.com.uy/lr3/larepublica/2007/08/26/politica/272542/premio-nobel-solicito-el-cese-de-sanguinetti-de-universidad-de-la-paz/?nz=1


OPEN LETTER TO THE UNIVERSITY FOR PEACE

The Peace and Justice Service in Latin America (SERPAJ-AL), through its National Branch SERPAJ-Uruguay, wants to express its great concern for the election of Mr. Julio Maria Sanguinetti as member and president of the Council to the University for Peace.

From our long trajectory as an organization working for human rights in Uruguay, the Southern Cone and Latin America, we consider that the precedents set by Mr. Sanguinetti in this matter are incompatible with a university whose academic programs are committed to international human rights law and peace.

Mr. Sanguinetti was not only a key political figure in the negotiations that led to the end of the civic-military dictatorship in 1984; he was, especially, the artifice of the politics of impunity and oblivion for the crimes against humanity committed by the dictatorship, and the grantor of its implementation during the first twenty years of democracy, especially during his two periods as president of Uruguay. This is the reason why, within the Uruguayan human rights community, Sanguinetti was given the nickname “champion of impunity”.

Here is a very short historical account of Dr. Sanguinetti’s conduct in this matter:

During the negotiations between politicians and the military developed throughout 1984, Sanguinetti assured past dictators that he, as the future president, would make sure that none of them would be hold accountable for the crimes they had committed. He did so even though in Uruguayan society, like in all the region, there was a strong claim for truth and justice; and even though the National Programatic Convention (a broad social agreement on the program for the democratic transition) explicitly approved a commitment to investigate and to punish such crimes.

Once he took office as President, Sanguinetti ignored all the agreements reached in the mentioned Convention and, during his first two years in office, he strived by all means to make the Parliament pass an Impunity Law, while at the same time the Executive Branch protected the accused military, put obstacles to the Judicial Branch, and spread among the citizens a climate of fear, and the threat towards the possibility of a military coup in case members of the military were put on trial.

Finally, in December 1986, and one day before the accused military officials had been called before a civil jury, the Parliament in an urgent session passed the law that granted impunity for all the crimes against humanity committed during the dictatorship. In that manner, the President fulfilled his commitment with the military, which the Ministry of Defense had already announced (the same general from the dictatorship who had negotiated the transition, and who had announced that no military personnel were going to be brought to trial).

In the following two years, civil society organized through the cooperative, student and union movements, the human rights movement, and opposing political organizations carried out a vigorous campaign to abolish the impunity law through a popular referendum. This broad and plural movement –led by three women related to the victims of the dictatorship– gathered 634.702 signatures (in a population of only 3 million) in less than one year to make the referendum possible, created 350 local committees in the entire country and visited door to door more than 400.000 homes. During this time, Sanguinetti’s government continued working in every way to make this popular initiative fail (including strong manipulation of the Electoral Court, lying, and censoring the press to misinform, frighten, and confuse the public opinion).

In a parallel manner, the Uruguayan impunity law received condemnation from the main international human rights organizations, from the OAS to the UN, for its flagrant incompatibility with international human rights principles and treaties. Sanguinetti’s government ignored and disqualified systematically all these critical statements from the international community.

The campaign of disinformation and terror promoted by Sanguinetti implanted itself in the citizenry still terrified by the harsh dictatorship it was coming out of, and the impunity law was ratified by referendum in 1989. Even though, the law established in Article 4 the duty of the Executive Branch to investigate the whereabouts of the detained-disappeared. In a true mockery to this duty, Sanguinetti appointed for this purpose the military public prosecutor Jose Sambucetti (judge and part of the crimes to be investigated), that led, of course, to no results.

Indeed, during his two terms in government, Sanguinetti devoted himself to disqualifying the claims for Truth promoted by international and national human rights organizations; he denied the existence of disappeared people in Uruguay; he systematically obstructed all the efforts not just towards reaching justice, but even towards investigating the truth and the whereabouts of the detained-disappeared; he never responded to a single one of the demands of the families of the victims, nor accepted their solicitudes of interviews.

Like this, in twenty years, not one military member was called in front of a jury in Uruguay, neither as a person investigated nor as a witness. In addition, the State did not promote any kind of official investigation on the period of the dictatorship. The main responsibility for this effective policy of official silence and oblivion, which impeded the elaboration of the historical memory (with severe consequences for Uruguayan society as a whole, until this day), was orchestrated by Julio M. Sanguinetti.

This politics of impunity and denial of the violations of human rights had its climax in “the Gelman Case”, which transcended internationally. The world re-known Argentinean poet Juan Gelman dedicated almost one quarter of a century to search for his grandchild abducted by the military from his daughter-in-law. The young 19 year old pregnant woman was detained with her husband in Argentina in 1976; after he was brutally murdered, the young woman was secretly taken to Uruguay together with a group of young activists from our country, under the clandestine, coordinated operations among the dictatorships of the Southern Cone, today known as Plan Condor. Once the young woman gave birth, she was murdered, and until today she has not been found. Nothing was known about her child for years. Eventually though, Juan Gelman received extra-official information that his daughter-in-law had given birth in Montevideo, so that between 1998 and 1999 he tried to have an interview with President Sanguinetti to ask for his collaboration in the search of the baby.

Sanguinetti never agreed to this solicitude, he denied knowing any information about the event, and even disqualified Gelman in a public response where he affirmed that the facts mentioned by the poet were false, and that in Uruguay there had never been forced abductions nor disappeared children. This led to an international campaign –carried out during the entire year of 1999- in which several Nobel Prizes and personalities from the world of culture (among them, García Márquez, José Saramago, Gunther Grass, Pérez Esquivel, Susan Sontag, Eduardo Galeano, etc.) wrote hundreds of letters demanding Sanguinetti to accept the Gelman’s claim and to investigate the whereabouts of his grandchild.

Sanguinetti did nothing at all. The following year, and just a few weeks after he left his position as President, Gelman’s granddaughter was found in Montevideo after 24 years, and the process of restitution of her real identity began.

What was the most surprising was discovering that the appropriator of Gelman’s granddaughter was a personal close friend of Sanguinetti, named as a candidate for Senator and appointed as Chief of the Police in the department of San José by the President himself. It became evident that, while denying the facts that Geman was denouncing, and affirming to not knowing anything about the whereabouts of his grandchild, Sanguinetti was deliberately covering up his friend, the appropriator of Gelman’s granddaughter, and once again operating to guarantee the secrecy and the impunity of those responsible for the disappearances, murders, and torturing. And he has continued to defend and protect these criminals over the past twenty years.

The organizations -like SERPAJ- which have been working for decades to make our countries respect and fulfill international human rights law, because we are convinced that it is an unavoidable component of a true democracy, consider that Mr. Julio M. Sanguinetti does not fulfill the ethical requirements to chair the Council of a university whose goal is to educate young generations in order to impregnate public politics, nation states and international relations with peace and human rights as core values.

We hope that the University for Peace will revise this designation and will search for a person who is aligned with these principles to lead its Council.

Montevideo, August 24th, 2007.

Adolfo Pérez Esquivel – Honorary President for SERPAJ Latin America, and Peace Nobel Prize 1980.

Ana Juanche Molina – Coordinator for SERPAJ Latin America

Guillermo Payssé – National Coordinator for SERPAJ Uruguay

Links to Informative Articles on Mr. John Maresca, Mr. Maurice Strong and Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti

This is a list of links to online articles on Mr. John Maresca (UPEACE Rector), Mr. Maurice Strong (Ex-Rector of UPEACE, Ex-Chair of the UPEACE Council and the Earth Council) and Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti (Chair of the UPEACE Council). These articles provide information of their past and present involvements/links in international security and human rights issues - involvements that are of grave concern to the UPEACE community.

Some additional informational links are at the bottom.

Articles on Mr. John Maresca's involvements in geo-strategic oil politics:

http://www.ratical.org/ratville/CAH/linkscopy/Maresca2USG.html
http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,5673,579174,00.html


Article on the protest of Mr. Fernando Berrocal Soto, Minister of Security, Costa Rica, and member of the UPEACE Council, to the appointment of Mr. John Maresca as the UPEACE Rector:

http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/junio/30/pais1151477.html (Spanish)

Copy of the official letter sent by Mr. Fernando Berrocal Soto to Mr. William F. Martin, Ex-Chair of the UPEACE Council:

http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/julio/03/opinion1154076.html (Spanish)


Article by Mr. Julio Rodríguez in the La Nacion newspaper (Costa Rica) questioning the selection process for the UPEACE Rector:

http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/junio/06/opinion1121948.html (Spanish)

Article by Mr. Julio Rodríguez in the La Nacion newspaper (Costa Rica) questioning the appointment of Mr. John Maresca as the UPEACE Rector:

http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/junio/27/opinion1146768.html (Spanish)


Articles on Mr. Maurice Strong:


http://www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,250789,00.html
http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/julio/23/pais.html (Spanish)
http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/julio/23/pais1157459.html (Spanish)


Articles regarding the legalities of Earth Council’s financial and land transactions in Costa Rica:


http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/julio/23/pais1157422.html (Spanish)
http://www.nacion.com/ln_ee/2007/julio/23/pais1157503.html (Spanish)


Articles in the Latin American press about
Mr. Julio María Sanguinetti, Chair of the UPEACE Council, explaining his role in human rights crimes during his tenure as the President of Uruguay:

http://www.larepublica.com.uy/lr3/larepublica/2007/08/26/politica/272542/premio-nobel-solicito-el-cese-de-sanguinetti-de-universidad-de-la-paz/?nz=1
(Spanish)
http://www.larepublica.com.uy/lr3/larepublica/2007/08/27/politica/272638/organizaciones-sociales-rechazan-designacion-de-sanguinetti-como-presidente-de-la-upaz/?nz=1 (Spanish)

Links to the documentary TOTAL DENIAL depicting UNOCAL's Human Rights crimes in Burma

Below are links to the award winning documentary 'Total Denial' by Ms. Milena Kaneva, depicting the story of UNOCAL's involvements in Burma and the unprecedented court case on its human rights crimes there. 'Total Denial' was awarded the special prize for Human Rights by former Czech President Vaclav Havel during the One World Festival in Prague(March 2006).

http://www.totaldenialfilm.com/
http://www.earthrights.org/legalfeature/documentary_about_doe_v._unocal_wins_vaclav_havel_award_at_one_world_film_festival.html
http://totaldenial.bravenewtheaters.com/
http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=14421
http://www.theecologist.org/archive_detail.asp?content_id=296

Download some information on the court case from here, including the legal documents from the plaintiffs (pdf):

http://www.ccr-ny.org/v2/legal/corporate_accountability/corporateArticle.asp?ObjID=lrRSFKnmmm&Content=45
http://www.totaldenialfilm.com/files/docs/Lawsuit_Doe_UNOCAL.pdf
http://www.ccr-ny.org/v2/legal/corporate_accountability/docs/Third_Amended_Complaint.pdf
http://www.cja.org/projects/Unocal%20Amicus%20Brief%20FINAL.pdf

Links to other documents and information relating to the court case against UNOCAL:

http://www.earthrights.org/legal/unocal/

Below is a statement from two of the plaintiffs and from the team of lawyers representing the plantiffs, at the conlusion of the 'John Doe Vs. UNOCAL' case.
(Link: http://www.ccr-ny.org/v2/reports/report.asp?ObjID=qTibXn0SKu&Content=558)

The Legal Team has jointly issued the following statement:

The fifteen individuals who brought these cases suffered horribly at the hands of the Burmese military, with the complicity of Unocal. They risked their lives for the last eight years seeking justice through these suits. These villagers, ethnic minorities from a remote region, living under a brutal dictatorship, took on a major U.S. multinational oil company in court - and won. We are thrilled for our clients and gratified that the settlement will provide funds benefiting other victims of the Yadana pipeline.

More generally, this is a historic victory for human rights and for the corporate accountability movement. Corporations can no longer fool themselves into thinking they can get away with human rights violations. This case will reverberate in corporate boardrooms around the world and will have a deterrent effect on the worst forms of corporate behavior.

On behalf of the plaintiffs, we thank the many people and organizations working tirelessly to promote democracy in Burma. Our colleagues in the 'Free Burma' movement have been instrumental in calling public attention to Unocal's complicity in the abuses suffered by so many in the pipeline region. We look forward to the day that freedom and democracy will come to Burma; a time when its citizens will live with hope rather than fear, under law rather than tyranny, and when the people of Burma will never again suffer egregious military abuses, whether in support of political repression or the corporate greed of companies like Unocal.

John Doe IX, a plaintiff who had done back-breaking forced labor in the mid 1990's, said, "I don't care about the money. Most of all I wanted the world to know what Unocal did. Now you know."

Louisa Benson, a California resident who served as a plaintiff representing the people of California, added "I am gratified for two reasons. First, there is now awareness that corporations need to be accountable for their partners' actions as well as their own. Second, many people have lost their lives on this project, but those that still remain can now begin to get their lives back together."